Congress did not have the status of a regular legal body, and it could only recommend actions, such as adoption of the trade boycott, to the colonists. Its power depended on a broad popular recognition of its authority and agreement with its recommendations. Countless towns and localities mobilized in response to the Congress and established committees of inspection or observation in order to adopt and enforce the Association.
What think ye of CONGRESS Now? Or, An Enquiry, How far the Americans are Bound to Abide by, and Execute the Decisions of the Late Congress?
...In order to form a right judgment of the Proceedings of the late Congress, we ought to recollect the occasion of its appointment; which, if I mistake not, was this. The peace and happiness of the American colonies had been, for some time, interrupted and disturbed, by certain acts of the British Parliament, laying restrictions upon our trade, and imposing duties on some articles of our commerce; and it was thought necessary to the restoration of peace and happiness among us, to obtain a repeal of those acts, and some proper security that we should not be disturbed again by acts of a similar nature. As the colonies were circumstanced, it required the most prudent management and address to gain so important a point; for it was apparent, that a small degree of misconduct would defeat the whole purpose.
The business was therefore taken out of the hands of the people, whose imprudence already had much injured the cause; and it was committed to the conduct of a few Gentlemen of distinction and character, in whose wisdom, integrity selves;-and that they never can be properly exempted, but and honour, the greatest confidence was reposed. The exercise of parliamentary power, in imposing what we called taxes upon us, was the evil complained of by the American colonies; to remove this evil, and not to increase it, was consequently the commission with which our Delegates were vested...
But since the Gentlemen of the Congress have so widely mistaken their proper business; since the whole tenor of thelr proceedings was calculated to increase the evil, which they were sent to remove; it has become necessary to inquire. . .how far the colonies are bound to abide by, and to execute the decisions of the late Congress. . . ?
But then it is fair, on the other hand, to declare my belief, that the Americans, with their own free consent, were originally placed under the absolute authority of the British Parliament;--that they never yet have been legally exempted from it;--that they have neither right nor ability to exempt themselves;--and that they never can be properly exempted, but by the generous and friendly concessions of Great-Britain....
The Congress being met together, and having inspected and compared their various commissions, were next to proceed upon business. With a view of facilitating the proceedings, a very worthy and respectable member, eminent both for his knowledge of the law, and his love of constitutional liberty, presented a plan, which he carefully drew up in the cool hours of leisure and retirement, and in which he endeavoured to point out such claims of the colonies as might be prudently asserted, and the particular modes of address that would be most likely to secure them...
During this state of flattering tranquility, the artful leaders of the Congress found no great difficulty in persuading those members who were patriots in reality, moderate and pacific, honest and unsuspicious, to bind themselves in an agreement, that their names should be subscribed to whatever should be carried by a majority of votes, and that no protest or dissent should appear in the minutes.
After this great point was secured, it was not long before those same leaders took occasion to throw off their mask, and to discover their own natural features. This new appearance was no more expected by some that were present, than the springing of a mine, or the bursting of a bomb, in Carpenter's Hall; nor was it less astonishing to them, than such an explosion would have been. The moderate party soon found, that they had been circumvented and ensnared; that they were allowed to have no influence in the debates; that their remonstrances were slighted; and that every thing was borne down by the impetuosity of their managers. Then it was, that duty and honour required them, as I conceive, to leave the Hall...
If the greatest Enemies of British-America had been employed to contrive the ruin of the colonies, they could not have proposed a more effectual scheme for the purpose, than that we should be led on to provoke the resentment, and enrage the power, of Great-Britain, by acts of hostility and rebellion. Now the Congress appears to me, and appears to thousands of others in this country, not indeed to have contrived, ~certain time, and to support this resolution by a non-consump- but to have adopted from New--England, this very scheme; and then to have recommended it to the Americans, with all their influence.
The people in New-England, if they have not actually levied war against the King, have manifestly discovered a disposition to levy war against him; and throughout the summer past they have been making such military preparations, as can have no other end than to enable them to fight the King's troops...
What must be the consequence of a rebellious war with the Mother Country, any person of common sense, if he will take the liberty to exercise it, may easily foresee. Even a final victory would effectually ruin us; as it would necessarily introduce civil wars among ourselves; and leave us open and exposed to the avarice and ambition of every maritime power in Europe or America. And till one part of this country shall have subdued the other, and conquered a considerable part of the world besides, this peaceful region must become, and continue to be, a theatre of inconceivable misery and horrour.
But that we should have any expectation or hope of being able to conquer or withstand the force of Great-Britain is to me astonishing. I doubt not but the Americans are naturally as brave as any other people; and it is allowed, that they are not wanting in numbers. But they are without fortresses, without discipline, without military forces, without money...
Thomas Chandler, "What Think Ye of CONGRESS Now? Or, An Enquiry, How far the Americans are Bound to Abide by, and Execute the Decisions of the Late Congress?," (New York: James Rivington, 1775).